Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella took a series of steps to restore relations with Israel days after taking office. De la Espriella recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, occupied Syrian territory.
With this decision, Colombia became the second country after the United States to recognize Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. Experts assessed that the decision violated international law, United Nations Security Council resolutions and the UN Charter.
Embassy in Jerusalem to reopen
Fulfilling a promise made during his election campaign, De la Espriella announced in a video message that Colombia would reopen its embassy in Jerusalem. Israel considers Jerusalem its capital, but the city's status is disputed, and most countries do not recognize Israeli sovereignty over all of Jerusalem.
The Colombian administration also froze a separate plan launched by former President Gustavo Petro in October 2023 to open an embassy in Palestine. The administration said the mission had never become operational.
Colombia recognized Palestine as a free, independent and sovereign state in August 2018. This step came before a new wave of recognition by Western countries that began with Spain, Ireland and Norway in 2024 and continued with France and the United Kingdom in 2025.
Economic and diplomatic cooperation expands
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu welcomed the Golan Heights decision in a video message and thanked De la Espriella. The Bogotá administration appointed Tania Gilinski as ambassador to Israel, while Israel appointed Vivian Aisen as its representative to Colombia.
The two countries agreed to introduce reciprocal visa-free travel for their citizens starting September 1. They also established the Colombia-Israel Binational Economic Commission and planned a visit by a Colombian delegation to Israel in October.
Bogotá also took steps to resume coal exports to Israel, which had been halted during the Petro administration. The De la Espriella government also began the process of withdrawing from Colombia's previous intervention in South Africa's application before the International Court of Justice in connection with the genocide case in Gaza.
Experts point to closer ties with the US
Arlene Beth Tickner, a former Colombian representative to the UN and ambassador, said the main purpose of the policy change was to demonstrate loyalty and closeness to the US government rather than to Israel. Glaeldys Gonzalez, the International Crisis Group's Colombia expert, said describing the change as a complete transformation could overstate the picture.
According to Gonzalez, De la Espriella's approach is influenced by the leader's ideological affinity, based on his advocacy of "Judeo-Christian values," and his security agenda focused on combating drug trafficking. Israel and the US are seen as partners in military operations against armed groups and drug gangs.
Gonzalez said military equipment and security technologies could become prominent in the revived relationship, particularly air defense systems and artificial intelligence applications to counter the growing use of drones by armed and criminal organizations. She also viewed recognition of the Golan Heights as part of Colombia's broader alignment with Washington's foreign policy line.
Mariano Aguirre Ernst, an expert at Chatham House, said the speed of the decision pointed to alignment with the Trump administration and sent a message to conservative political circles, the private sector and the military in Colombia. Ernst described the development as the reestablishment of political, commercial, military and intelligence ties that had become more complicated during the Petro administration.
Legitimacy and economic interests for Israel
Daniel Wajner, a faculty member at the Hebrew University, said another country's recognition of Israeli sovereignty carried practical weight as well as symbolic significance. Wajner said Colombia viewed Tel Aviv as a bridge in its effort to move closer to Washington, and that this approach recalled the policy pursued during Álvaro Uribe's presidency in the 2000s.
Wajner also said the Israeli administration wanted to show that it could maintain relations with countries around the world at a time when it faced criticism, boycotts and sanctions. Tickner argued that relations with Israel could also be intended to offset the reputational damage caused by its actions in Gaza and the occupied territories.
Experts said Israel's strategy in Latin America had been based for many years on military cooperation, intelligence and the sale of cybersecurity technologies. This cooperation also included support used in the past by Colombia's security forces in their fight against leftist guerrilla groups such as the FARC and ELN.
Criticism of the decision
Tickner, who called the Golan Heights decision a clear violation of international law, warned that the move could cause serious harm to Colombia and its interests, contrary to the reputational gains sought by De la Espriella. Tickner said expanding security cooperation could draw Colombia into joint US operations involving Israel and increase the US-Israeli military presence in the region.
A magnitude 7.4 earthquake struck Colombia on the day the decision was announced. Hundreds of people were killed and thousands injured; experts assessed that the disaster shifted public attention from foreign policy to rescue efforts.
Ernst interpreted De la Espriella's approach as part of a broader political trend used by far-right governments in the US and Europe. Gonzalez and Ernst expected relations between Colombia and Israel to return to their traditional course, while Ernst described Petro's break with Israel as an exception unlikely to be repeated in the future unless the country turns left again.
